How Thick Are Floors Between Stories

University's long history of disaster

Guido Crainz
University's long history of disaster
La Repubblica, July 28, 2010

is very difficult to reflect on the partial reform of the university today question without having to reckon with the long history that is behind us and that calls into question a whole, responsibility for the political class and the academic world. A story in which, as in Murder on the Orient Express by Agatha Christie, there is no one to blame: at the end of all possible defendants appear in various forms responsible. Is sometimes evoked the ghost of '68, but Gaullist France, for example, responded immediately to the "May" with the law Faure, who started a real modernization of the universities. None of this happened to us, and the reform debate on the eve of '68 - the inadequate law Gui - not so much had been sunk by the student protest as conservative obstructionism of the "Members-barons, fierce opponents of the incompatibility between teaching and parliamentary mandate, and the introduction of full-time. Even at '68 is sometimes attributed to the liberalization of access to all the faculty there since the conditional - so sometimes anachronistic - the school attended previously. Even this is not quite accurate: in the original government plan was expected as a result of the liberalization reform schools. Difficulties in realizing the majority then introduced without any "filter" and a premise that liberalization - as practiced - was introduced more than a failure. Start then that depleted levels of study that was highlighted on these pages by Carlo Galli. Begins, even an abnormal increase of students who fail to graduate or graduate in a very long time, one of the most negative of our legal system. In all this, the '68 does not appear the main culprit, and in its aftermath with it the fear of new flare-ups favored a truly innovative government project, presented with skill and intelligence from the Socialist - Offset "shareholder" - Tristan Codignola (his death is a heartfelt remembrance of Benjamin Placido it evoked the "sadness of the reformist," fueled the heavy obstacles in his long work). In that project, also the result of an extensive comparison of educational and political, became the central departments and degree courses, the Faculty traditional disappeared, he outlined the role of "teacher only", the students had substantial representations and spaces of autonomy, and so on. Passed the Senate but the House shelved in 1971-72 by the strength of broad areas the DC (and of course the potentates academics) that law was later definitive failure, and then began a long sleep. In the absence of defined rules multiplied figures of both intermediate and poor teachers of "fellows" or "fellows", which would put the bank "Law 382" in 1980. In it, the proclaimed "unity of the figure teacher" was immediately contradicted by the distinction between ordinary and associates: and for those who already had some form of teaching was provided for a fitness certificate to that associated with organic swelling immediately. The most innovative aspects would have to involve the recruitment of young people and have as its cornerstone research graduates and the institution of the role of researcher, destinato a sostituire la precedente pletora di figure sottoposte all' arbitrio del "barone". Figure che entrarono però tutte o quasi nel nuovo ruolo - anche qui con un giudizio di idoneità molto simile ad un' ope legis -, e anche questo frenò per molti anni il ricambio. L'autonomia del ricercatore era comunque affermata, ma questo è uno degli aspetti che la riforma Gelmini mette in discussione, come ha sottolineato bene Benedetta Tobagi (mentre i dottorati sono da tempo in crisi, e non solo per le ristrettezze finanziarie): i nuovi ricercatori saranno assunti a tempo determinato e potranno rimanere nell'Università solo vincendo un concorso da associato entro 6 anni (termine poco credibile, nel panorama attuale: è il preannuncio di future ope legis?). L' "innovazione" rischia così di reintrodurre o favorire nuove forme di subalternità e vecchi difetti senza alcuna motivazione reale. Oggi si diventa ricercatori dopo un percorso difficile e segnato da una dura concorrenza, anche se condizionato sin qui dalle dinamiche dei concorsi locali: non vi è comunque un grandissimo rischio che un giovane giunto in questo modo all'Università si trasformi nel "fannullone" paventato da Brunetta o dal rettore Frati. Permangono semmai gli ultimi residui di una situazione precedente, ed anche per scongiurare il suo ripresentarsi è necessaria invece una idoneità nazionale, così come lo è per le altre fasce (con modalità volte a ridurre, perlomeno, l' influenza of "group" or lobby). It is necessary to promote the progression of researchers - which today bears much of the royal road to learning with regular competitions and serious. Needless to hide, too, that in the concrete situation of the teachers retirement at 65 is the premise almost mandatory - though certainly questionable and not enough - a real turnover. Subject, of course, that there can be no reform of 'education without significant investments. But there is something missing in today's debate: there is no idea, a prospect that concerns background, together, the University and society. Yet the general idea was also visible in the "project Berlinguer" that led to 'present order, the "3 +2". There was the 'need for training that would put an emphasis on cognitive levels starting at the same time providing for incentives for specialization and depth. And there was the need to overcome a 'learning organization become ossified. The main failure induced by that law were not actually written into it but were the result of bad governance, 's of inadequacy and' insensitivity to the nodes of a large part of the teaching faculty: hence the fragmentation and the proliferation of materials and course, the emptying of the thesis, the lack of consideration of new ways of teaching and the profile of the new two-year specialist and so on. For this, too, have missed those supports these guidelines and educational - all 'is the entry level degree to which the specialist - who also were considered essential in' inspiration of the law. Still referring to the real academic world finally the failure of attempts so far made to reform the competitions (the local competitions were born as a remedy, which proved to be bad, recognized the shortcomings of national competitions). It refers to it, too, the substantial indifference with which they are normally received complaints despite heavy and well documented. In other words, the 'urgent need for radical change comes primarily from the fact that a substantial part of' current faculty has been shown to non essere facilmente "riformabile".

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2. Il vero successo della «strategia della tensione» (all'interno del capitolo: XI. Gli anni della «strategia della tensione»).

[...] Con piazza Fontana inizia quella che è stata chiamata la «strategia della tensione»: un inasprimento «forzato» dello scontro sociale volto a spostare a destra l'opinione pubblica prima ancora che l'asse politico; e volto a costruire le basi per «governi d'ordine», se non presidenzialismi autoritari o aperte rotture degli assetti costituzionali. Gli attori di quella strategia di più lungo periodo - fatta di attentati terroristici, di aggressioni squads or unlawful use of the apparatus of the state - are already at work in all slaughter of Milan and in the management of the investigation and judicial processes. There is also an element that makes it "unique" the massacre of December 12: it is the only one to be given for a long time to the left, or groups that are part of it. Moreover, thanks to the "battle of truth" on Fountain Square, this will be the last time the "official version" - of the police headquarters, prosecutors and government - will be automatically accepted by the country, or most of it. This "uniqueness" explains why they then introduced profound changes in cultural horizons, even before the social and political confrontation. [...]
E 'in this climate that the neo-fascist squads launched the offensive in Republican most serious ever attempted, with different players and different connections: from the militants of the Italian Social Movement in the nebula of groups or semi-clandestine immigrants; and until men variously present in military, intelligence, the most diverse state apparatuses. In the climate that we have evoked, paroxysmal so exasperated by the right-wing press (from "Night" to "Time", and of course "The century of Italy"), aggression towards locations and leftists - and suspected - reach great intensity. The weight of the right in the violence - according to a documented study - is equal to 95% between 1969 and 1973, 85% to 78% in 1974 and 1975 el [1 ] . Research also coordinated by Marco Galleni draws from up close the increasing unfolding of violence against persons or property committed by neo-fascist groups: from 148 in 1969 (compared with 10 assigned to the left) to 286 in 1970, up to 460 of 1971 [ 2 ] . In the autumn of 1971 the Lombardy Regional Council presents the results of its investigation: there were 400 episodes of fascist violence in the region since 1969, one every two days [ 3] . Soon, bombs claimed by Sam (Team Action Mussolini) hit the home of Attorney General Luigi Bianchi of Milan Espinosa, who had the audacity to impeach the Secretary of the MSI Giorgio Almirante and other party leaders for reconstitution of the Fascist party. It 'called Almirante the period in which the clash "too physical" with the Communists [ 4] various documents and confirming the action of paramilitary structures specific to the MSI and its youth organizations.
[...] In the days and months to 12 December the escalation of violence is reported by the same neo-fascist prefects: from Trieste to Palermo, Naples, Brescia, Trento, Bergamo, Varese or from Turin to Cuneo (when start an activity more intense squad). At the same time I return to ride the neo-fascist leaders are facing the most subversive of those years, that of Reggio Calabria: a story in itself, of course, but that still galvanize demonstrations across Italy hagfishes [ 5] . We leave aside, for now, the revolt of Reggio, and leave aside the signals that leaked on extreme action, and that since the coup attempt in December Junio \u200b\u200bValerio Borghese: cuffed farcical but with less slapstick comedy connected with areas of secret services and armed forces. [...] And
'But Milan, the city where the squads shows more virulent. The picture painted by the investigation conducted by the Region is also confirmed by the prefectural reports which, although limited to severe cases, they too point to a growing continuum of aggression, which punctuate the episodes until the election of the MSI. You read that on the rally in Cathedral Square of the Secretary of the party Almirante, 24 May 1970, attended by three thousand MSI:

At the end meeting participants, notwithstanding any prior warning police agencies improvised procession with hymns fascists taking octagon gallery where staged violent uproar even by throwing Molotov cocktails et firecrackers causing repeated police actions designed. Since then frazionatisi demonstrators in groups of different textures but not less than two at or three hundred people gave rise to serious unrest and guerrilla warfare in the vast area of \u200b\u200bdowntown [ 6].

Soon after, the prefect announced that - due to "repeated episodes of violence" - the police has sent to the magistrates' reports documented hazardous activities designed to highlight the major exponents of neo-fascist organizations headed at known association "Young Italy" " [ 7] . Other reports indicate a continued presence of neo-fascists held between the headquarters of the Young Italy and Piazza San Babila in downtown Milan [ 8] , with constant attacks and regular shipments to the venues of the movement Student [ 9] . For its part, the 'Committee for the defense of the Republican' (which includes all parties, with the exception of the MSI) termination sequence for the month of "acts of hooliganism, assault, devastation from some tens of mercenaries, seedy individuals [...] hired tolerated by the police that lets you act on weapons and assault in their own eyes [ 10] .
So this is the picture [...].


1 D. della Porta and M. Rossi, Figures cruel. Balance Italian terrorists, Bologna 1984, p. 25; [...].
2 Reports on Terrorism, edited by M. Galleni, Milano 1981.
3 See fascist violence: one every two days, 400 episodes from 1969 to today , in "The Day", October 22, 1971. See also Report fascist violence in Lombardy, the full text of the Commission of Inquiry appointed by the Government of the Lombardy Region, Rome, 1975; [...].
4 Almirante in Florence called the clash "too physical" with the Communists , in "The Day", June 6, 1972.
5 "Battipaglia, Reggio, in Milan [or Rome, etc..] Will be worse," she cries in the demonstrations hagfishes.
6 Report of May 24, 1970 [...].
7 See the report of June 24, 1970 [...].
8 President of the Young Italy Milan, during this time, you Ignazio La Russa : cf. "The Century of Italy ', 5 and 10 March 1971. In 1971 - according to "The Century of Italy," March 10, 1971 - Provincial Directorate of Youth of the MSI and the 'Coordinating Committee' belong among others, in addition to La Russa, Gianluigi Root (provincial secretary, arrested and tried several times for assaults and confrontations with the police until it stops hitting it after the murder of police agent Antonio Marino), Nestor Crocesi (arrested in 1970 per l'assalto alla federazione del Pci di Brescia, colpito da mandato di cattura nel 1972 per gli attentati delle Sam-Squadre d'azione Mussolini ecc.) e altri ancora. Gli articoli citati sono riprodotti nel Rapporto sulla violenza fascista in Lombardia cit., pubblicato dalla Regione, sul quale mi baso anche per le altre informazioni.
9 [...] Un massiccio tentativo di assalto all'Università Statale è messo in atto a febbraio: cfr. Dopo una manifestazione «europea» volevano assalire la Statale. Con cariche e lacrimogeni dispersi i fascisti , e G. Bocca, A proposito del raduno neonazista di Milano. In attesa degli spostati , in «Il Giorno», 2 e 4 febbraio 1970; cfr. inoltre Anarchici in centro, i fascisti alle armi , ivi, 24 marzo 1970; I fascisti scatenati devastano il centro , ivi, 25 maggio 1970; [...].
10 Il testo del comunicato è in Basta con i fascisti al centro della città , in «Il Giorno», 18 giugno 1970. E' una realtà documentata da molteplici testimonianze: «i fascisti stazionano [...] a piazza San Babila e in corso Monforte [...], pestano i "rossi" riconoscendoli dalla barba e dai jeans, insultano chi rifiuta la loro stampa [...]; e lì, agli angoli della piazza, ci sono i jeeponi della Celere con su i poliziotti immobili, che do not see and feel ' G. Bocca, Terrorism 1970-80 Italian, Milan 1981 , p. 53. also Cederna, Pinelli , p. 29.


From: Guido Crainz, The country missed. From an economic miracle to the eighties, Rome, Donzelli, 2003 , pp. 368-373

The beginning of " Slap the Monster on Page " by Marco Bellocchio, 1972.
Ignazio La Russa in Milan in a manifestation of the "silent majority" (some Italian flags with the emblem of Savoy because of that body were their anti-monarchist):

"Italians who have not renounced the call of men to join the above factions, above party, above the divisions concerned and wanted, above the now outdated, and unused for too long exploited anti-fascism and fascism , to unite to say yes to freedom of the order. This demonstration, this event aims to demonstrate that you can beat communism, it is possible to beat the enemies of Italy, and together we will. Long live Italy! "

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First line in Florence

We drew the first page of the introduction to my thesis.


This research aims to investigate the activity First line fighter organization in Florence in the period between 1977 and 1979.

The main intention was to carry out, through the scrutiny of a news source, a chronological reconstruction of the work of the armed group said. The source considered as appropriate for purpose has been identified in the newspaper La Nazione.
The motive was directed to the choice of this theme has been to see as part of the historiography on the armed struggle, a number of gaps on the whole experience of organized political violence can not be traced to an array Brigades. Critical reflection, in fact, on what is stato in Italia il fenomeno terroristico negli anni Settanta del Novecento, è stata a lungo monopolizzata da un’attenzione quasi esclusiva alla storia delle Brigate rosse, trascurando colpevolmente “l’altra lotta armata”, vale a dire quella pratica armata definibile “movimentista” (scaturita cioè dal movimento e che a esso faceva riferimento). Mancando un’analisi sistematica, il che si riscontra nell’assenza di testi storiografici esaurienti, la conoscenza di Prima linea, e quindi la sua comprensione, viene a risultare poco accurata. Le uniche monografie di cui disponiamo, vale a dire il volume di Giuliano Boraso, “Mucchio selvaggio” [ 1 ] e i due lavori di Sergio Segio, “Miccia corta” [ 2 ] e “Una vita in Prima linea” [ 3 ] , non possono essere accolte se non senza riserve. La pecca principale dell’opera di Boraso è il fatto che nel testo non venga affrontata una riflessione metodologica e di critica delle fonti, facendo sì che la trattazione risulti viziata da luoghi comuni e linee interpretative poco solide. Gli elaborati di Segio appartengono invece al genere memorialistico, e come ogni testimonianza autobiografica applicata alla ricerca storica, pongono necessariamente complesse problematiche metodologiche. Nicola Tranfaglia, a questo proposito, ci prospetta, nella prefazione a un testo che raccoglie memorie di ex-militanti, le criticità nell’utilizzarle quali fonti della ricostruzione storica:

La testimonianza è una fonte che deve essere letta con particolare cautela sia perché, sia pure di frequente, in maniera del tutto inconscia, può esserci un intento di giustificazione, sia perché i fatti a cui la testimonianza si riferisce sono accaduti, almeno in parte, alcuni anni fa e la successiva critica compiuta dai testimoni può per qualche aspetto aver sbiadito e reso opaco il ricordo di quel passato [ 4 ] .

L’approssimazione interessa persino la semplice ricomposizione circostanziata della “prassi rivoluzionaria”, portata forward, but in the few years that is dense focus, the armed group. This shortage of even basic data on the basis of which to rest a meditation based, has seen a degree of practical intervention. Through the counting of daily news source, we wanted to be given to amalgamating the armed actions carried out primarily in the context of Florence, but also to the prospects opened up a national framework.
Aspiration of fund that has permeated the implementation of the present study, was to be able to contribute, albeit in small part, to the reconstruction, ergo the understanding of the complexity of the years when, by internal minority areas in the world left, was experienced because of the armed struggle as a means for transforming the present.

1 G. Boraso, Wild Bunch, Rome, Castelvecchi, 2006.
2 S. Segio, short fuse, Rome, DeriveApprodi, 2005.
3 Id, A life on the line , Milan, Rizzoli, 2006.
4 D. Novelli - N. Tranfaglia, nascosto_Hidden , Garzanti, Milan, 1988, p. 12.